TUCHET, James (1612-84)

TUCHET (TOUCHET), James (1612–84)

suc. fa. 14 May 1631 (a minor) as 3rd earl of Castlehaven [I]; rest. 3 June 1633 13th Bar. AUDLEY (by letters patent, confirmed by act of Parliament 1678)

First sat 18 Apr. 1640; first sat after 1660, 6 Nov. 1660; last sat 23 Aug. 1680

bap. 26 July 1612, 1st s. of Sir Mervyn Tuchet, later 12 Bar. Audley and 2nd earl of Castlehaven [I] and 1st w. Elizabeth, da. and h. of Benedict Barnham, alderman of London; bro. of Mervin Tuchet, 14th Bar. Audley and 4th earl of Castlehaven. m. (1) c.1626 his step-sis., Elizabeth Brydges (bur. 16 Mar. 1679), da. of Grey Brydges, 5th Bar. Chandos and Anne, da. and coh. of Ferdinando Stanley, 5th earl of Derby; (2) (lic. 19 June 1679), Elizabeth Graves (d.1720). ?1s. illegit.1 d. 11 Oct. 1684.

Col. Spanish Netherlands army 1666; ‘sergeant-major de battalia’ 1670.2

The Tuchet family held extensive estates in both England and Ireland. The 3rd earl of Castlehaven’s father, a Protestant, inherited property in Wiltshire from his maternal grandfather, Sir James Mervyn and chose to base himself entirely in England. Castlehaven was baptized at Abbotsbury, Dorset and unlike his father became a Catholic. In or about 1626, he married his step-sister, but in 1631 his father was convicted and sentenced to death for assisting in the rape of his wife and step-daughter and committing sodomy with his servants. Following his father’s execution on 14 May 1631, the English peerage of Audley and lands were forfeited to the crown. He succeeded to the family’s Irish titles, and was generally known as Castlehaven. In 1633 he was restored to his English title and most of the family’s English estates, but not all of them as the crown had granted Fonthill Gifford to Sir Francis Cottington, Baron Cottington. Further sales took place and by 1640 Castlehaven had sold the majority of his English properties.3

In somewhat straitened circumstances, Castlehaven dedicated himself to a life of military service for the English crown and its European allies. He fought in the Bishops’ Wars and after active service in Ireland in the cause of Charles I, he served under the Prince of Condé in the Fronde, being taken prisoner by Turenne at Comercy and released after intervention by James, duke of York. He was then commissioned to lead an Irish regiment in the French service fighting against the Spanish.

The Restoration brought little change to Castlehaven’s political and financial situation. Together with his brother Mervyn, he set about using his influence with the king to rebuild his finances. Taking note that their estates had been ‘sold at Drury House during the late distractions’, and that they were ‘left unable to support the honours conferred on them by his majesty’s ancestors’ they petitioned for a grant of all wasted and encroached lands in five counties. A similar petition was presented in April 1662 and possibly again in November 1664.4 Like many Anglo-Irish Catholics he faced a struggle to regain his Irish lands confiscated by the Cromwellian regime and granted to various New English interests. He petitioned Charles II for restoration to his Irish estates, and the king’s letters were sent to Dublin in December 1660, January and July 1661 ordering the Irish lords justices to restore him to certain estates.5 When these royal missives proved unsuccessful, Castlehaven was forced to seek restoration in the first Court of Claims, set up under the terms of the subsequent Act of Settlement in Ireland (1662), which required him to prove his innocence in the 1640s. This was a lengthy and costly legal procedure and it was perhaps to finance this process and maintain himself that Castlehaven was forced to sell his remaining English lands. In 1663 he sold Compton Bassett to Sir John Weld for £5,000.6 His Irish estates were estimated in 1675 to cover about 3,173 acres, and those of his estranged countess a further 4,887 acres.7

Castlehaven used all his influence with James Butler, duke of Ormond, and the king to alleviate the situation. He subscribed to the Irish Catholic remonstrance, December 1661, which pledged temporal loyalty to the king despite any orders to the contrary from the Pope or the Catholic church. He even signed a circular letter in March 1663 urging his fellow Catholic peers and gentry to subscribe to the remonstrance.8 He received a royal pardon for his alliance with the Irish rebels, and in July 1662 the king ordered the receivers of the adventurers’ funds in Ireland to pay Castlehaven £4,000 out of the first payments. By April 1663 this grant had still not been paid, so Castlehaven pursued the money in other ways, a task which was to take up much of the remainder of his life.9 In 1665 Castlehaven went to serve in the fleet, which gave him another call on the king’s favour. As a reward the king sought to secure £5,000 for him from Irish assets.10 Castlehaven actively pursued the ‘speedy settling’ of this money for, as he wrote to Sir George Lane on 5 Apr. 1666 ‘without it I am like a ship without water that cannot stir let the occasions be never so fair’.11

Meanwhile, Castlehaven took his place in the House, sitting there under his English title of Baron Audley. On 31 July 1660 he was excused attendance on the House and he sat in the Convention on only two days, 6 and 17 November. However, he was present on the opening day of the 1661 Parliament, 8 May, and on the last day before the adjournment on 30 July. In between he attended on 48 days of that part of the session, 74 per cent of the total. He was present when the Lords resumed the adjourned session on 20 Nov. 1661, sitting on 56 days of the session, including the last, 19 May 1662. On that day he entered his protest against the resolution to agree with the Commons and so drop two provisos suggested by the Lords from the highways bill, the issue at stake being the right of the Lords to amend a money bill. In all he attended on 44 percent of that part of the session.

Given his financial predicament Castlehaven was now determined to seek employment abroad. In April 1662 he offered his services, together with five regiments of infantry to be raised in Ireland, to the Venetian Republic.12 Similar offers of service may explain why in the middle of May 1662 Louis XIV asked that Castlehaven be informed that ‘I am very pleased with the offers he has made’ and his declaration that ‘he would be happier to serve me than any other prince if I should have need of him, so I too would be happier to employ him than any other foreigner should the need arise’.13

In July 1662 Castlehaven was reported to have gone to Ireland to be with Ormond. He probably remained there until well into the following year. He was there in November, and he was still there when his absence from the beginning of the 1663 session was excused on 23 Feb. 1663. On 9 May he wrote from Dublin to the king soliciting the command of the king’s troops in Portugal, claiming ‘I can speak Spanish though I have never served the Spaniard’.14 He first sat during the session on 25 June. On 13 July Philip Wharton, 4th Baron Wharton predicted that he would support the attempt of George Digby, 2nd earl of Bristol, to impeach Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon. He attended on 17 days of the session, including the last, 27 July, 20 per cent of the total. In October 1663 Samuel Pepys noted that Castlehaven was going to raise 10,000 men to fight against the Turks, but nothing seems to have come of this scheme.15 Another, perhaps related, scheme was revealed by John King, Baron Kingston [I], to Ormond in March 1664, an alleged endeavour to enlist troops in Ireland to be employed in Germany.16

Castlehaven was present when the next session opened on 16 Mar. 1664, attending on 29 days of the session, including the last, 17 May, 81 per cent of the total. He attended the prorogation on 20 Aug. and was present when the next session began on 24 Nov. 1664. However, he only sat on five days of the session, a mere 9 per cent of the total, being absent from a call of the House on 7 Dec. and last sitting on 20 Dec. 1664.

On 4 Apr. 1665 the navy commissioners were informed that Castlehaven had arrived at Dover from Ostend.17 He attended the prorogations on 21 June and 1 Aug. and was present on the opening day of the next session, 9 Oct. 1665. After attending the first four days of the session, he registered his proxy on 13 Oct. with fellow Catholic, William Stourton, 11th Baron Stourton. However, he was present on the next sitting day, 16 Oct. before being absent until 20 October. On 29 Oct. Edward Conway, 3rd Viscount (later earl of) Conway, told Ormond that when the bill to prevent the import of foreign cattle and fish had been brought up to the Lords it had been committed to a select committee after a long debate in which Castlehaven ‘showed them how much your grace had done in Ireland’, even outstripping Thomas Wentworth, earl of Strafford, ‘to make that kingdom considerable, and to confirm it did swear and stamp for half an hour together, that I believe he converted many’.18 In all he sat on 13 days of the session, including the last on 31 Oct., 68 per cent of the total.

In November 1665, it was reported to Louis XIV that there had been talk of raising troops to send to the assistance of the bishop of Münster; these were to be raised in Ireland rather than England to avoid the risk of spreading plague. Furthermore, Charles II had chosen Castlehaven ‘to go as resident to this bishop’, a choice which showed the ‘shortage there is here of good subjects’ as he was ‘a man of courage but of very little judgment, and is not capable of discerning what England may expect of this prince’s diversion’.19 In January 1666 Henry Bennet, Baron (later earl of) Arlington supported Castlehaven’s claims to the colonelcy of ‘the old Irish regiment’ in the Spanish Netherlands. According to Arlington, Castlehaven was a worthy appointment because of ‘his good service to him [King of Spain] in Flanders, in the Prince of Condé’s army, his constant affection to and service of the House of Austria and his great credit amongst the Irish for having served there as a general’, which would enable him to obtain recruits for the Irish regiment.20

Castlehaven attended the prorogations on 20 Feb. and 23 Apr. 1666. He was present when the next session began on 18 September. On 14 Jan. 1667, he entered his protest against agreeing with the Commons that the importing of Irish cattle should be classed as a public and common nuisance. On 23 Jan. he entered his dissent against the resolution not to add a clause granting a right of appeal to the king and the House of Lords to the bill for resolving disputes concerning houses destroyed by the Fire of London. On 5 Feb. he entered his dissent to the resolution to refuse the Commons’ request for a conference concerning the impeachment of John Mordaunt, Viscount Mordaunt. He attended the last day of the session, 8 Feb. 1667, having been present on 85 days, 93 per cent of the total.

By the end of May 1667, Castlehaven’s project of serving the Spanish cause in Flanders had been realized.21 On 8 June 1667 it was reported that ‘500 English have landed at Ostend, being the Earl of Castlehaven’s regiment for the Spanish service’.22 He was accordingly absent when the House met on 10 Oct. 1667, being excused attendance on 29 Oct., because he was abroad.

In mid January 1668 Castlehaven returned to England.23 He also returned to the House, taking his seat when the 1667-9 session resumed on 6 Feb. 1668 and subsequently attending for 48 days, 73 per cent of that part of the session. Money remained an important issue. In September 1668, when he wrote from London to Ormond that ‘my great friend hath taken much pains as also the treasurer, yet all has been labour lost if my Lord Arlington had not interposed in declaring the justness of my pretentions and the expedients by which he hath ever obliged me’.24 This may have referred to Castlehaven’s quest for his pension. In June 1670 a warrant was granted to pay Castlehaven £400 ‘any general orders disallowing such payments notwithstanding’. In September 1670 the accounts of the lord lieutenant of Ireland show that he had a pension of £400 p.a. However, in February 1671 Ormond was resisting putting it on the Irish establishment.25

Castlehaven was present on all 36 days of the 1669 session. During the session, on 4 Nov., Arlington pressed the English ambassador in Spain to obtain the title of sergeant major de battalia for Castlehaven, because of his seniority and quality, a request he renewed in July 1670.26 On 3 Dec. 1669, three witnesses testified at the bar that Castlehaven’s wife had been arrested the previous month, contrary to privilege of peerage, and on 7 Dec. several of the bailiffs involved were ordered into custody.

Castlehaven attended the first day of the new session on 14 Feb. 1670. At this time Castlehaven had taken lodgings in two houses in King Street, Westminster, one for himself and the other for his servants, papers and parliamentary robes ‘whilst he remains in England’. On 12 Mar. he raised another complaint of breach of privilege concerning an incident on 25 Feb. when Samuel Nurse and Erasmus Dreydon, pretending to be constables, had threatened to break into his lodgings and invaded his rooms. They were ordered into custody.27 On 17 Mar. he entered his dissent to the second reading of the divorce bill of John Manners, styled Lord Roos, the later duke of Rutland. He last attended on 8 Apr., having been present on 38 days in total, 90 per cent of that part of the session.

Castlehaven attended on 24 Oct. 1670, the first day of the resumed session and last attended on 20 Dec., 37 days in all. He was excused attendance on 10 Feb. 1671, being en route for Ireland, where he had the drums beaten for volunteers to serve in Flanders.28 He attended again on 1 Mar. 1671, sitting on a further 40 days of the session. On 14 Apr., when the matter of the precedency of George Berkeley, Baron Berkeley, was to be discussed, Castlehaven offered to set forth his own rights of precedency, as he was shortly to go abroad, and desired that nothing might be admitted to his prejudice in his absence, to which the House agreed. He last sat on the final day of the session, 22 Apr. 1671, having attended on 77 days, 62 per cent of the total. By the end of April a treasury memorandum referred to Castlehaven as ‘at Brussels’.29

Castlehaven attended the prorogation of 30 Oct. 1672, but he missed the opening of the 1673 session, first attending on 13 February. During the committee deliberations on the test bill in March, there was some debate as to whether he should be exempted from its provisions, but in the end his name was not among those included in the amendment.30 He last sat on the day of the adjournment on 29 Mar. 1673, having attended on 34 days of the session, 89.5 per cent of the total.

In the summer of 1673 Castlehaven was in Brussels, from whence he wrote to Ormond that he had never been much in the favour of the duke of York ‘nor ever understood his ways; but I suspected no good issue, knowing some of his councillors’, and that as for the duke ‘quitting’ over the test it would not be to his advantage. As for the declaration of indulgence, ‘the wiser sort of my religion in England never liked the declaration nor the carrying it on, and so I believe may as little approve this action of the duke and my lord treasurer,’ Thomas Clifford, Baron Clifford of Chudleigh. He ended by noting he was an ‘unlucky man’ having for years been ‘persecuted for having been of your party’ and now ‘I am as bad here for justifying the king in many things untruly said of him’. Despite his treatment at the hands of the governor, he still felt that a good understanding was necessary between England and Spain to counteract the French.31

Castlehaven sat on three of the four days of the short session of October-November 1673. He then sat for all 38 days of the 1674 session. On 14 Jan. he was one of the Catholic lords who took the oath of allegiance. On 1 Apr. 1674 the king reminded Ormond of the failure to pay Castlehaven £5,000 as a reward for his past services, and indicated that his pension should be raised to £500 on the Irish establishment, until the £5,000 had been paid.32 In January 1676 a warrant was granted for the £5,000 to be passed under the Great Seal of England, in another attempt to ensure that he received £500 p.a. as part of the £5,000.

Following the conclusion of peace with the Dutch early in 1674 Castlehaven served the Spanish in alliance with the Dutch. On 8 Feb. 1675 Sir Richard Bulstrode informed Sir Robert Southwell that Castlehaven, intended to escort Don Pedro Ronquillos, the Spanish ambassador to Charles II, into England.33

In April 1675 Castlehaven returned from Flanders, missing the opening of the 1675 session, first sitting on the 21st. Shortly after his return it was reported that he,

inveighs publicly about the danger of France occupying the whole of the Spanish Netherlands, unless England prevents it by vigorous opposition. The report affects the court the more as it has impressed Parliament and some members insist on the great necessity for the king to declare himself in favour of Spain.34

It was also noted that he spoke against the bill to prevent danger to the government from disaffected persons, and on 29 Apr. he joined such luminaries of the country opposition as Anthony Ashley Cooper, earl of Shaftesbury in entering his protest against the resolution that the protest of 26 Apr. (which he had not signed) reflected on the honour of the House.35 He last sat on 8 June, the penultimate day of the session, having attended on 30 days, 76 per cent of the total. He had clearly been agitating for the payment of his Irish pension, for on 28 May 1675, William Harbord wrote to Arthur Capell, earl of Essex, ‘if you knew how great a clamour Castlehaven made and how readily’ Thomas Osborne, earl of Danby, and Richard Jones, Viscount Ranelagh [I], ‘put it upon Essex, and how uneasy King was at it’.36 On 19 June 1675 he left Dover for Flanders.37 Castlehaven was absent from the session of October-November 1675 and was excused attendance on 10 November. In 1676 his service saw him command the Spanish infantry at the siege of Maastricht and he also saw action at Charleroi and Mons.38

In Shaftesbury’s analysis of lay peers in 1677-8 he was classed as both ‘worthy’ and a ‘papist’. On 14 Jan. 1677 Castlehaven wrote to Essex of his arrival in Madrid, just prior to the beginning of the year, whereupon he reported his opinion that ‘the entire conquest of Flanders’ lay open to Louis XIV, which might then be followed by Holland, and posed the question ‘how far England may be concerned in the overgrowth of the French Empire?’39 It was later reported that he ‘much extols the P. of Orange’s conduct in the lost battle [Cassel], and commends his present army’.40 Castlehaven did not sit until 9 Apr. 1677, being excused attendance on 9 Mar. because he was abroad. He sat on seven days of that part of the session which adjourned on 16 Apr., including the last day. He was absent when the session resumed on 21 May, but was present on 25 May and for two other days before the adjournment on 28 May 1677. In all he sat for ten days of this part of the session, 18.5 per cent of the total.

Castlehaven was present when the session resumed again on 15 Jan. 1678. On 19 Jan. Southwell recorded that ‘Castlehaven is here amongst us’ reporting on the apprehension of war felt in Flanders.41 On the second day of the session, 28 Jan., he was one of those who objected unsuccessfully to the precedency among the barons accorded to the newly summoned (by acceleration) Henry Howard, Baron Mowbray, the future 7th duke of Norfolk.42 When it emerged that the crown alone had not possessed the legal power to restore the forfeited Audley peerage 1633 an Act of Parliament was passed to rectify the situation. The bill restoring the dignity and title of Baron Audley of Hely to the family and posterity of Mervyn, Lord Audley, deceased, was given a first reading on 7 Feb. 1678. The committee stage was reported by Arthur Annesley, earl of Anglesey, on 26 February. In the Commons the bill was reported on 30 Apr. by Sir John Malet and it received the royal assent at the end of the session in May. On 2 Mar. Southwell added that Castlehaven ‘who passes here for an exalted Spaniard, has frankly emptied his quiver and said many things that men of greater wealth are sorry to hear’.43 He last sat on 11 Mar., having been present on 32 days, 52.5 per cent of that part of the session. On that day he was given leave by the Lords to go to his Spanish command in Flanders, when he told ‘them plainly Flanders must necessarily be lost’. As Southwell noted, the debate scheduled for the following day on the danger to Flanders had been ‘moved and animated’ by Castlehaven, who had departed ‘telling their Lordships that England was not more in danger the month before William the Conqueror’s arrival than it was at the present, with many other expressions thought by some very rash and hasty, and accordingly undervalued, but the more it was stirred the more it took place’.44

By late March 1678 he was in Bruges and consequently did not attend the session of May-July. In March 1678 the king asked the lord lieutenant of Ireland to remove the stop of Castlehaven’s £500 p.a. On 31 Aug. 1678 he was able to take a personal recommendation from the king to Ormond when he went for Ireland about ‘his pension and his quit rents’. By December 1678 Castlehaven was asking for his pension to be paid out of the quit-rents of Ireland.45

Castlehaven was present on the opening day of the following session, 21 Oct. 1678, sitting on 34 days of the session, 58 per cent of the total. On 15 Nov., he voted against the motion in the committee of the whole House on the bill disabling papists from sitting in Parliament that the declaration against transubstantiation should be under the same penalty as the oaths, and 20 Nov. he entered his dissent to the passage of the bill. He last sat on 30 Nov., when the Test Act took effect, ‘making such a valedictory oration to the Lords that they have recommended him to his majesty’s bounty. And all men agree that never man spoke in any case with more eloquence or more art against this bill than he did when it was first in debate’.46 As the Journal recorded, Castlehaven ‘taking his leave of their Lordships, and expressing his great duty to his majesty, and the welfare and peace of this kingdom, to the great satisfaction of the whole House’, the lord chancellor was commanded to recommend him to the king ‘considering his ancient descent, and the great actions done by his ancestors in France in former times, and the small estate and fortune left to his family by reason of his fortune spent in that service by his ancestors’. Furthermore, he was given leave to travel with several servants to any port in the kingdom so as to pass freely into Flanders. On 3 Dec. 1678 his name was among those certified to be able to reside in London.47 On 17 Feb. 1679 Castlehaven received a pass ‘to land and travel’ to London.48

Following the passage of the Test Act Castlehaven was unable to sit in Parliament, although on 10 May 1679 an order was drafted for the attendance of Castlehaven and his brother on behalf of those Lords arrested over the Popish Plot.49 On 30 June Castlehaven and his servants were again given leave to travel.50 He may have come under renewed pressure for his Catholicism as there exists an exemplification dated March 1680 of the indictment and outlawry in Ireland of Castlehaven and others for their role in the rebellion there in October 1641, even though he had subsequently received a pardon.51 Despite his inability to take the new oaths he attended four consecutive prorogations on 17 May, 1 July, 22 July and 23 Aug. 1680.

In 1680 Castlehaven published his Memoirs of the wars in Ireland that was critical of the Dublin administration in the early 1640s and subsequent developments in Ireland and England. His aim was to exonerate himself and to emphasize the point that Catholicism and loyalty were not incompatible and that mistakes had been made in the 1640s by Protestants as well as Catholics. Ormond, who was always sensitive to any criticism of authority and Dublin administrations in particular, dismissed Castlehaven’s work as ‘foolish and unreasonable’.52 Anglesey, who wrote a reply to Castlehaven’s work, also found himself embroiled in controversy with Ormond, and became the main victim of the affair.

On 22 Nov. 1681 Castlehaven wrote that ‘I have been in great disorder for some months, since I lost my command in Flanders and am now to seek a new fortune’, yet he remained an intimate of the king. Thus, in February 1682 Francis Aungier, earl of Longford [I], reported ‘being in the bedchamber’, where ‘Castlehaven entertained the king after his usual way of talking’.53 On 3 Aug. 1682 Castlehaven attended the Privy Council at Hampton Court where ‘the memoirs were adjudged a libel and the dedication of them to his majesty presumptive’.54 On 27 Nov. 1682 the treasury commissioners wrote to Richard Butler, earl of Arran [I], who sat in the Lords under his English title as Baron Butler of Weston, concerning a suspension of payments of Castlehaven’s pension ordered on 8 Aug. and the king’s pleasure that his directions be ignored with respect to some bills drawn on the farmers of the Irish revenue.55 On 25 Nov. 1682 John Evelyn recorded dining at the Swedish resident’s along with among others Castlehaven, even then described as the ‘son of him who was executed 50 years before for enormous lusts &c’.56

On 6 Aug. 1683 Castlehaven won the important point that he was not a pensioner of £500 p.a., but the holder of a patent for £500 p.a. until £5,000 had been paid him and so should be removed from the list of pensioners.57 He died unexpectedly on 11 Oct. 1684 at his sister’s house in Kilcash, co. Tipperary, being succeeded by his brother Mervin. In 1692 his widow petitioned for and received a grant of the remainder of £500 p.a. granted to her husband until £5,000 had been paid, it being her jointure, which following his death had been left out of the new establishment.58


  • 1 HMC Lords, n.s. xii. 145.
  • 2 J. Childs, Nobles, Gents. and Profession of Arms, 16.
  • 3 C.B. Herrup, House in Gross Disorder, 5, 38-40, 100-6; VCH Wilts. iii. 6, 8.
  • 4 CSP Dom. 1660-1, p. 289; 1661-2, p. 351; 1664-5, p. 98.
  • 5 CSP Ire. 1660-2, pp. 118, 187; Bodl. Carte 41, f. 520; 42, f. 316; Stowe 205, ff. 3, 39.
  • 6 Som. Heritage Centre, DD/WHb/1062.
  • 7 Restoration Ire. ed. C. Dennehy, 47-49.
  • 8 Carte 45, f. 310.
  • 9 CSP Ire. 1660-2, p. 570; 1663-5, p. 57; Herrup, 107.
  • 10 Carte 46, ff. 211-12; CSP Ire. 1666-9, p. 17.
  • 11 HMC Ormonde, i. 45.
  • 12 CSP Venetian 1661-3, pp. 127-9.
  • 13 TNA, PRO 31/3/110, p. 152.
  • 14 Ibid. pp. 197-9; HMC 15th Rep. VII, 169; CSP Ire. 1663-5, p. 86.
  • 15 Pepys Diary, iv. 349.
  • 16 Carte 215, f. 18.
  • 17 CSP Dom. 1664-5, p. 293.
  • 18 Carte 34, f. 464.
  • 19 PRO 31/3/115, pp. 232-6.
  • 20 CSP Ire. 1666-9, p. 15; Arlington Letters, i. 60-61.
  • 21 HMC Kenyon, 79; Carte 222, ff. 156-7; Pepys Diary, viii. 246.
  • 22 CSP Dom. 1667, pp 162-3.
  • 23 CSP Dom. 1667-8, p. 171.
  • 24 Carte 215, f. 525.
  • 25 CSP Dom. 1670, p. 308; 1671, p. 77; CSP Ire. 1669-70, p. 252.
  • 26 Arlington Letters, ii. 284, 299.
  • 27 HMC 8th Rep. pt. 1, 140.
  • 28 Add. 70011, f. 225; CSP Dom. 1671, p. 116.
  • 29 CTB, iii. 739.
  • 30 HMC 9th Rep. pt. 2, p. 30.
  • 31 HMC 5th Rep. 357.
  • 32 CSP Dom. 1673-5, p. 218.
  • 33 Carte 72, f. 278.
  • 34 CSP Venetian, 1673-5, p. 399.
  • 35 Timberland, i. 157-8.
  • 36 Essex Pprs. 1675-7 (Cam. Soc. ser. 3, xxiv), 18.
  • 37 CSP Dom. 1675-6, p. 171.
  • 38 CSP Venetian 1673-5, p. 399n.
  • 39 Essex Pprs. 91-92.
  • 40 Add. 75362, Coventry to Halifax, 29 May 1677.
  • 41 HMC Ormonde, n.s. iv. 396.
  • 42 HMC 12th Rep. IX, 67.
  • 43 HMC Ormonde, n.s. iv. 409.
  • 44 CSP Dom. 1674-9 Add. p. 29; Verney ms mic. M636/31, Sir R. to E. Verney, 14 Mar. 1678; HMC Ormonde, n.s. 414-15.
  • 45 CSP Dom. 1678, pp. 34, 74, 564; HMC Ormonde, i. 25.
  • 46 HMC Ormonde, n.s. iv. 486.
  • 47 HMC Lords, i. 69.
  • 48 CSP Dom. 1679-80, p. 85.
  • 49 HMC Lords, i. 29.
  • 50 CSP Dom. 1679-80, p. 347.
  • 51 Carte 39, f. 121; The Memoirs of James, Lord Audley, Earl of Castlehaven (1680) epistle to the reader.
  • 52 HMC 7th Rep. 744.
  • 53 HMC Ormonde, n.s. vi. 235, 324.
  • 54 CSP Dom. 1682, p. 332.
  • 55 Carte 39, f. 671.
  • 56 Evelyn Diary, iv. 295-6.
  • 57 CSP Dom. 1683 (July-Sept.), p. 260; HMC Ormonde, i. 35.
  • 58 CSP Dom. 1691-2, pp. 330-1, 481; CTB, viii. 1853; ix. 1867-8.